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by Dina Gerdeman
Women make up more than half of the labor force in the United States and earn almost 60 percent of advanced degrees, yet they bring home less pay and fill fewer seats in the C-suite than men, particularly in male-dominated professions like finance and technology.
This gender gap is due in part to “occupational sorting,” with men choosing careers that pay higher wages than women do, labor economists say. For example, women represent only 26 percent of US workers employed in computer and math jobs, according to the Department of Labor.
New research identifies one reason women might be shying away from certain professions: They lack confidence in their ability to compete in fields that men are stereotypically believed to perform more strongly in, such as science, math, and technology.
Women are also more reluctant to share their ideas in group discussions on these subjects. And even when they have talent—and are actually told they are high-achievers in these subjects—women are more likely than men to shrug off the praise and lowball their own abilities.
This weak self-confidence may hold some women back as they count themselves out of pursuing prestigious roles in professions they believe they won’t excel in, despite having the skills to succeed, says Harvard Business School Assistant Professor Katherine B. Coffman.
“Our beliefs about ourselves are important in shaping all kinds of important decisions, such as what colleges we apply to, which career paths we choose, and whether we are willing to contribute ideas in the workplace or try to compete for a promotion,” Coffman says. “If talented women in STEM aren’t confident, they might not even look at those fields in the first place. It’s all about how good we think we are, especially when we ask ourselves, ‘What does it make sense for me to pursue?’”
Coffman has recently co-written an article in the American Economic Review as well as two working papers, all aimed at studying men’s and women’s beliefs about their own abilities.
“Women are more likely than men to shrug off the praise and lowball their own abilities.”
What she found, in essence, is that gender stereotypes distort our views of both ourselves and others—and that may be especially troubling for women, since buying into those stereotypes could be creating a bleak self-image that is setting them back professionally.
Here’s a snapshot of findings from all three research studies:
Women are less confident than men in certain subjects, like math
In a study for the journal article Beliefs about Gender (pdf), Coffman and her colleagues asked participants to answer multiple-choice trivia questions in several categories that women are perceived to have a better handle on, like the Kardashians, Disney movies, cooking, art and literature, and verbal skills. Then they were quizzed in categories considered favorable for men, such as business, math, videogames, cars, and sports.
Respondents were asked to estimate how many questions they answered correctly on tests, and to guess the performance of a random partner whose gender was revealed. Both men and women exaggerated the actual gender performance gaps on average, overstating the male advantage in male-typed domains as well as overstating the female advantage in female-typed questions. And in predicting their own abilities, women had much less confidence in their scores on the tests they believed men had an advantage in.
“Gender stereotypes determine people’s beliefs about themselves and others,” Coffman says. “If I take a woman who has the exact same ability in two different categories—verbal and math—just the fact that there’s an average male advantage in math shapes her belief that her own ability in math is lower.”
Women discount positive feedback about their abilities
In an experiment for Coffman’s working paper Stereotypes and Belief Updating, participants completed a timed test of cognitive ability in five areas: general science, arithmetic reasoning, math knowledge, mechanical comprehension, and assembling objects. They were asked to guess their total number of correct answers, as well as how their performance compared to others. A woman who actually had the same score as a man estimated her score to be 0.58 points lower, a statistically significant gap. Even more surprising, even after participants were provided with feedback about how they performed, this gender gap in how well they perceived they did continued.
In a second study participants were asked to guess how they performed on a test in a randomly assigned subject matter and to predict their own rank relative to others completing the same test. The researchers then provided participants with feedback about their performance. They found that both men and women discounted good news about their scores in subjects that their gender was perceived to have more trouble with.
Stereotypes play on our minds so strongly that it becomes tougher to convince people of their talent in fields where they believe their gender is weak, Coffman says.
“A policy prescription to correct a confidence gap in women might be: Let’s find talented women and tell them, ‘Hey, you’re good at math. You got a really good score on this math test,'” she says. “But our results suggest that this feedback is less effective in closing the gender gap than we might hope. It’s harder than we thought to convince women in male-typed fields that they’ve performed well in these fields.”
It’s unclear whether women would feel better about their abilities if they received repeated rounds of positive feedback, rather than one piece of good news. “I’d be interested to find out if the gender bias gets smaller over time, once a woman has heard that she’s good at math over and over again,” Coffman says. “You might have to encourage women a few times if you want to close these gaps.”
“Our work suggests a need for structuring group decision-making in a way that assures the most talented members both volunteer and are recognized for their contributions, despite gender stereotypes.”
It’s important to note, Coffman says, that these studies also show that men have less confidence than women in their ability to shine in fields dominated by women. “It’s not that women are simply less confident; what we find consistently is that individuals are less confident in fields that are more stereotypically outside of their gender’s domain,” Coffman says.
Physician burnout costs the United States health care industry $4.6 billion a year, a number that brings a new spotlight to an age-old problem.
In a paper published in the journal Annals of Internal Medicine this past June, a research team of seven co-authors, most of them doctors, concluded that the dollar losses were related to physician turnover and reduced clinical hours.
The research adds to previous work showing how physician stress generates negative clinical and organizational outcomes. No studies have previously been attempted to put a figure on burnout in the US on a national level. In part, that’s due to the difficulty of calculating the economic cost of all of the factors involved. For instance, some studies have associated burnout with an increase in medical errors, but calculating those costs are nearly impossible.
“Together with previous evidence that burnout can effectively be reduced with moderate levels of investment, these findings suggest substantial economic value for policy and organizational expenditures for burnout reduction programs for physicians,” the study states.
“Essentially it’s this feeling of being overwhelmed. You don’t feel like what you are doing is meaningful anymore.”
It’s well understood that doctors are constantly asked to do more with less. In addition to a demand for physicians that outstrips the supply, new laws around electronic record-keeping have increased the administrative burden on doctors as well.
“Physicians don’t sign up for the job to stare at a screen. They are doing this to provide care for people,” says one of the study’s co-authors, Joel Goh, a visiting scholar in the Technology & Operations Management Unit at Harvard Business School. “It creates a high level of dissonance for them.”
According to one study, more than half of all doctors in the US report feeling at least one symptom of burnout: emotional exhaustion, a feeling of detachment, or a diminished sense of personal accomplishment—twice the rate of the general working population.
“Essentially it’s this feeling of being overwhelmed,” says Goh, who is also an assistant professor at the National University of Singapore (NUS) Business School. “You don’t feel like what you are doing is meaningful anymore.”
What’s the economic price of burnout?
Even though physician burnout is widespread, it’s difficult to put a price tag on the phenomenon in a way that medical institutions can understand. In past research, Goh focused on calculating the cost of workplace stress on medical costs in the US. That led Christine Sinsky, vice president of the American Medical Association, to contact Goh to ask if he could calculate the medical costs of stress experienced by doctors themselves. Sinsky is one of the authors of the latest paper.
“It was a great opportunity to explore this issue with thought leaders on the subject,” Goh says. “I could provide my technical skills on modeling, and they could provide their contextual knowledge.”
The researchers focused on one aspect of the problem they could measure: lost income due to reduced hours and turnover.
To do so, they used a 2014 survey of some 7,000 doctors that asked questions about burnout and short-term career plans to estimate the percentage of doctors planning to reduce their hours or leave their jobs due to burnout. They then correlated those numbers with the percentage of burnout experienced by doctors in different age groups and medical disciplines in order to estimate the overall effects of burnout on staffing nationwide.
They then created a formula to calculate the cost of lost hours—as well as the search, hiring, and training costs of filling vacant positions—to arrive at a total price tag for burnout from turnover.
A not insignificant number
Their final estimate, $4.6 billion annually, “is a decent amount that people should care about,” Goh says. Drilling down to an organization level, that number comes out to $7,600 per physician per year. Most of that cost, they determined, comes from turnover, which had five times the impact of reduced hours, due to all of the associated costs of filling a full-time equivalent position.
Of course, cost isn’t the only reason to deal with the issue of doctor burnout. “Organizations have an ethical imperative to take care of their employees,” Goh says. And doing so could help take care of patients as well by reducing medical errors.
Even so, the study shows that doing the right thing ethically can also make sense to the bottom line. “It’s not just going to be a waste of resources trying to deal with this problem,” Goh says. “Aside from all of the positive outcomes you generate, it’s probably a good financial return on investment as well.”
Goh and his colleagues further help organizations calculate that cost with a spreadsheet tool they developed that any organization can use to plug in their own figures and calculate their own potential costs of not dealing with burnout.
“In every other management decision, you try to have as complete a picture as possible,” he says. “This helps fill in some of those data points, not to supplant the ethical considerations, but to provide a more complete picture.”
For those ready to deal with the problem, says Goh, a range of interventions have been shown to be successful, including mindfulness exercises and stress-management training. To really make an impact, however, wider organizational changes are probably needed.
“One way to make a difference is by increasing the amount of administrative support doctors receive, so they are relieved of those burdens,” Goh says. “It may seem costly to hire that additional staff, but it will probably be beneficial in the long run.”